何桂蓝

何桂蓝被拘捕前照片

何桂藍（英語：Gwyneth Ho Kwai-lam，1990年8月24日—），前《立場新聞》記者，曾參與採訪反修例運動，於元朗襲擊事件中被襲擊。2020年，何參選香港立法會議員，後被裁定「非真誠擁護《基本法》」而遭取消參選資格；次年，因此前參加民主派初選而遭以「顛覆國家政權罪」被捕並遭起訴，至2024年被判罪名成立而判監7年。(维基百科：何桂蓝)

参见 香港47人案

香港民主派初选大搜捕

何桂蓝曾是《立场新闻》记者，BBC中文网记者，在全程报导2019香港社会运动之后，她放下记者证，选择以行动者身份参政，参与民主派初选。参选时，她29岁。

2021年1月6日，何桂蓝因去年参与民主派初选，而与其他50多名民主派初选参与者一同遭到香港警察以港版国安法中“颠覆国家政权罪”的罪名大规模搜捕。2月28日，香港警察以港版国安法中“串谋颠覆国家政权”的罪名起诉何桂蓝等47名被捕人士并即时还柙。翌日在西九龙裁判法院提堂，开庭前何桂蓝于内庭表示自己未能与律师会面。马拉松式审讯进行至3月4日，上午近11点开庭，何桂蓝选择自辩陈词，表明不会接受任何限制言论自由的保释条件。她表现硬朗，自辩完毕后，没有绕过众多被告回到自己座位，反而单手按著后方栏杆，跳起跨过后方的椅子，返回自己的位置就座，主审庭内亦传出掌声。审讯期间，她看捡来的报纸。最终总裁判官苏惠德未批准何桂蓝等32人保释，将案件押后再讯。

2024年5月30日，何被裁定“串谋颠覆国家政权”罪成，法官在裁决中指其最为激进，试图变更香港现有政治制度，反对“一国两制”。何未作任何求情。11月19日，何被判囚七年。

法庭陈词全文原版

CDT每日一语

漫长的审判过程中，何桂蓝是在47人中，唯一选择既不认罪、也不求情的被告。她被判刑7年。判刑当日，她以英文及粤语，分享自己的心路历程，指出自己不认罪、不求情，是为了捍卫61万香港人曾作出的政治表态，也一再指出，「真正定义我们身份的，不是苦难本身，而是我们面对苦难的方式。」

原文

I first read about Maria Kolesnikova before I was taken to punishment—tales of how she ripped her passport apart at the border to refuse deportation, choosing jail over exile, along with trivial accounts of solitary prison life. How, as a professional flutist, she filled her head with imaginary flute music. How she kept on writing letters despite 80% of them being confiscated.

我第一次听到玛莉亚·科列斯尼科娃（Maria Kolesnikova）的故事，是在自己入狱之前——那些传奇故事，关于她如何在边境撕毁护照以拒绝被驱逐，她选择坐牢而非流亡，她在独居牢房生活的琐碎记录。作为专业的长笛演奏家，她怎样在脑海中想像长笛乐曲。她如何持续写信，即使其中80% 会被没收。

The protest in Belarus during 2020-21 was the last movement I followed real-time,before my own imprisonment. It went viral in this part of the world as protesters adopted the Be Water tactic of the 2019 Hong Kong Movement. A few years on, a Belarusian political prisoner’s timely advice passed on all the way from her prison in Belarus to mine in Hong Kong in ChatGPT-translated English.

2020至2021年白俄罗斯的抗争，是我在入狱前最后一个实时关注的社会运动。在那里，抗议者采用2019年香港运动中的“流水战术”，引发全球关注。几年后，一个白俄罗斯的政治犯的及时建议，用ChatGPT翻译的英语，以各种方式，从她在白俄的监狱，传递到我在香港的监狱。

How curious. Today, we enjoy multiple advanced communication platforms, yet people are more polarized than ever. Genuine and honest conversations have become more difficult, rendering democracy less and less convincing as the better system in the face of multiplying crises. But, now living in a world of only pen and paper, with heavy scrutiny and severe delays spanning weeks—I relearn, time and again, that genuine human connection is possible and why it is worth fighting for.

多有趣。今天我们有各种各样先进的沟通平台，但人们却比以往任何时候都更加两极化。真诚的、诚实的对话变得更困难，令民主制度在多样化的危机面前，显得越来越没有说服力。但是，住在这个只有纸笔的世界里，经过严格的审查与跨越几周的漫长延迟，我却一次又一次重新学会，真实的人际连结是可能的，以及，为何它依然值得奋斗。

The Hong Kong democratic movement of 2019 is renowned for its impressive arsenal of tactics, combined with the creative use of technological platforms. These tactics travelled across social media, were transplanted into other movements, and bloomed anew. But what holds people together and makes all the creativity possible lies beyond technology or tactics. The movement itself is open to interpretations (and criticisms), yet what has stayed with me to this day, nearly four years later, is something simpler.

2019年的香港民主运动以其令人印象深刻的战术、以及对科技平台充满创意的应用方式闻名。这些战术透过社交媒体传播，进而移植到其他社会运动，并重获新生。但是，让人们团结起来，让所有的创造力得以实现的，并不是科技或战术本身。人们可以对这场运动做各种各样的解读（或者批评）。然而对我来说，近四年过去了，这场运动停留在我身上的，是一些更简单的东西。

People are engaged. They are eager to connect with each other. Injustice and oppression, once witnessed, together with bravery and determination, once felt, bred an unstoppable urge to express oneself politically and to be part of the struggle; but it didn’t turn into a homogenizing essentialism. Learning from the failures of past movements, people made extra efforts to communicate and incorporate diverse ideas. We did not avoid lengthy, difficult conversations, even amid imminent violence, with rubber bullets flying over our heads. We were adamantly leaderless, each taking our own initiatives and emphasizing individual and equal contributions to the movement. We remained vigilant against disinformation, careful not to let rumours tear the movement apart from within.

人们投入其中。他们渴望与彼此建立连结。人们目睹过不公和压迫，感受过勇气和决心，就生出一种无法抑制的渴望，要在政治上表达自己，让自己成为抗争的一部分。但这并没有演变成一种同质化的本质主义。吸取过去运动的失败教训，人们特别努力进行沟通，接纳多元的想法。即使是在橡胶子弹从头上飞过这样的暴力阴影下，我们仍然不回避冗长而困难的对话。我们坚持这是一场无领袖的运动，每个人都承担起主动性，强调每一个个人都平等地对运动有贡献。我们警惕虚假信息，小心翼翼地避免谣言从内部瓦解运动。

Decentralization unleashed a political momentum unseen in Hong Kong and revealed the city’s exciting diversity, which had previously been constrained by traditional organizational structures. Accustomed to critical and intense political debate, people in Hong Kong only needed to overcome their hesitation about whether their actions mattered to emerge as their own initiators of creative new ways of struggle. They reformed connections into more direct, efficient, and inclusive networks of activism.

去中心化释放了香港前所未见的政治动力，展现了这座城市令人惊叹的多样性——这些都是此前被传统组织结构所限制的。习惯于激烈的政治辩论的香港人，只需克服对自身行动是否重要的犹疑，就能成为创新抗争方式的主动发起者。他们将连结重组成为更直接、高效且包容的行动网络。

When social institutions crumbled one after another around us, we rose above fear and emerged as a genuine civil society, each living out the true meaning of citizenship.Though democracy was denied at various institutional levels, we built one from the bottom up.

当社会制度接连崩溃，我们却超越恐惧，涌现出一个真正公民社会的样子，每个人都活出了公民身份的真义。尽管各层体制都拒绝民主，我们却自下而上地，构建了民主。

Meaningful conversations are only possible when you have faith that people around you, and yourself, are not blind followers of someone else, that they are clear of what they are fighting for and take responsibility for their needs. Independent in their decisions but acting for the collective.

当你相信身边的人，也相信自己，不会盲目追随任何人时，有意义的对话才可能实现。因为他们清楚自己为何而战，并为此负责。人人独立决策，但一起为集体行动。

It’s not so much hope for a better future that drives the movement, because hope has always been scarce when you’re a city of 7 million facing a superpower, but that even if our vision of the future is different, we trust each other, we can rely on each other to do our best. We trust, we act, we can create. All become one, united in our differences.

能够推动运动的，并不是什么对更美好未来的希望。因为对一个面对超级强权的七百万人的城市来说，希望从来都是稀缺的。真正能推动运动的，是即便我们对未来的愿景不同，我们仍信任彼此，能依靠彼此，一起做到最好。我们信任，我们行动，我们就能创造。所有人化为一体，在差异中团结。

It was only natural that such a collective would demand to be heard and recognized in a way that the regime had to respond to. When the regime closed in and took away the people’s right to protest, we turned to the alternative path of elections.

这样的集体要求被听见和肯认，是再自然不过的，并以一种迫使政权不得不作出回应的方式进行。当政权封杀了游行抗议的权利时，我们就转向选举这条替代之路。

I ran in the last free and fair election in Hong Kong. For that, I was prosecuted in the first Soviet(?)/CCP-style subversion case tried in a common law court. I pleaded not guilty to defend the political expression of 610,000 Hong Kong people, which the regime is trying to distort and reduce into a conspiracy of 47 foreign-brainwashed, faithless pawns, with life imprisonment on the table.

我参加了香港最后一次自由公平的选举。因为这件事，我成为第一宗在普通法法庭审理的苏联式/中共式颠覆案的被告。我拒绝认罪，以捍卫61万香港人曾做出的政治表达。政权正试图将这种表达，扭曲和矮化为是47个被外国洗脑、毫无信念的棋子的阴谋，并以终身监禁的惩罚相威胁。

The situation is dire, yet when going into the details, it becomes a bit comical: the unforgivably evil subversive act of the accused was aiming for a parliamentary majority with the power to veto the annual budget. Following such logic, one may as well claim that democracies around the world suffer subversion attempts every 4 to 6 years. In a 1984-esque reality, though, democratization—or just calling for it—amounts to subversion of state power. Makes perfect sense.

局势非常严峻，但细看细节却有些荒谬：被告所犯的不可饶恕的“邪恶颠覆行为”竟是为了争取拥有否决年度预算权的议会多数席位。按这种逻辑，全世界的民主国家每隔四到六年就会经历“颠覆行为”。然而，在一个《1984》式的现实中，民主化——甚至只是呼吁民主化——就等同于“颠覆国家政权”。完全“合理”。

Behind the rhetoric of secession, collusion with foreign forces, etc., our true crime for Beijing is that we were not content with playing along in manipulated elections. We organized ourselves to rise above partisan fragmentation, came together, and attempted to break through. We dared to reach for actual power to hold the government accountable. Even though it was enshrined as a right of the people under the Basic Law, Beijing never planned to see it actualized.

在所谓“分裂”、“勾结外国势力”等言辞背后，我们真正的罪行在北京眼里是：我们不满于配合被操控的选举。我们组织起来，超越了党派分裂，团结一致，试图突破。我们勇敢地争取实权，以使政府负起责任。虽然这原本是《基本法》赋予人民的权利，但北京从未打算让这权利真正落实。

We dared to confront the regime with the question: will democracy ever be possible within such a structure? The answer was a complete crackdown on all fronts of society.

我们敢于向政权提问：在这样的结构中，民主是否可能实现？我们获得的答案是，对整个社会的全面压制。

Prosecuting democratic politicians and activists across the spectrum, the case was seen as the turning point at which Hong Kong became a lost cause. People were scared into silence and forced to give up hope for democracy in Hong Kong.

横跨各个光谱的民主政治人物和社运人士均被起诉，此案始，香港被视为“无望之地”。人们被吓得沉默，并被迫放弃对香港民主的希望。

Sitting in the dock, I went through the historical trials I had read about in my mind.Decades on, defiant and dignified defences seemed like natural building blocks of ultimate victory. But back in the moment, when the regime’s rule seemed infallible and change was nowhere in sight, why does one still choose to fight despite certain conviction?

坐在被告席上时，我的脑海中回顾了自己读过的历史审判。数十年后，那些充满抗争与尊严的辩护，似乎是通往最终胜利的再自然不过的基石。但回到当时，当政权的统治似乎不可撼动，也看不到任何改变可能，为什么有人仍选择在注定被定罪的情况下奋战？

The narrative put forward by the prosecution is not just a distortion of facts or a threat to the larger public. It goes much deeper—they are forcing the accused into self-denial of their lived experiences. That genuine solidarity was just a delusion. That the bonds, the togetherness, the honest conversations among people so different yet so connected, cannot be real after all. That the difficult co-building of a collective united in difference with a shared vision for a better future was just a utopian dream.

控方提出的叙事，不仅仅是对事实的扭曲或对公众的威胁。它的影响更加深远——他们逼迫被告去否定自己的亲身经历。他们试图说明，真正的团结只是幻觉。那些如此不同却又如此紧密相连的人们，他们之间的羁绊、共同体、彼此之间诚恳的对话，这些全都不是真的。那个在艰难中共同建立、在差异中团结起来的集体，对一个更好的未来有著共同愿景的集体，只不过是一场乌托邦的梦。

But no. They are not just idealistic dreams but realities that I have lived through. I choose to fight to prove that such connections are not only possible but have actually been lived out and continue to live on. The only delusion here is the belief that brutal oppression can ever deny their existence.

但不是这样。这些不是仅仅理想主义的梦想，而是我亲身经历过的现实。我选择奋斗，以证明这样的连结不仅可能存在，还确实存在过，并将继续存在。认为残暴的压迫能够否定它们的存在，这才是唯一的幻觉。

It is not a responsibility nor moral obligation. It is the strong urge within me to do justice to what I witnessed and experienced, for they constitute part of me and define who I was. And I am now going to define who I am.

这不是出于责任，也不是道德义务。这是出自我内心强烈的愿望，为我所见证和经历过的一切伸张正义，因为这些构成了我的一部分，定义了我的过去。而现在，我要继续由自己定义，我是谁。

I stand alone confronting these accusations, not as an individual, but as one of all those who have ever stood in the streets and raised their voices to demand autonomy for the city. As well as all those who have ever stood in the same position before unjust courts anywhere in the world.

我独自站在这里，面对这些指控。但我并不只是一个人。我是所有曾经走上街头，为这座城市争取自治而发声的人们中的一个。我也是世界上所有曾站在不公正法庭的犯人席的人们中的一个。

I travelled far through words, from contemporary Russia, mainland China, Thailand, to 20th century Chicago, Taiwan, Pretoria. I met Navalny countless times, whose cases filed with the ECtHR are now open for all politically accused around the world to cite in their own legal battles. I learned from the Pussy Riot trial how to use the power of your opponents against you: when speech and beliefs are used as evidence against them; when speech and beliefs are used as evidence against you, you are also granted legal permission to elaborate on them, as extensively as you see fit.

我在文字中旅行，走了很远的路，从当代的俄罗斯、中国大陆、泰国，到二十世纪的芝加哥、台湾、比勒陀利亚（Pretoria）。我无数次遇见纳瓦尔尼（Navalny），他向欧洲人权法院提交的案件，如今成为全球所有的政治犯在法律斗争中的参考依据。我从 Pussy Riot 的审判中学到，如何将对手压制你的力量用于己身：当言论和信仰成为指控你的证据时，这同样赋予了你合法的权利，去尽可能充分地阐述自己真正的言论和信仰。

And in this particular case, who else has more to offer than the human rights defenders in mainland China? Every final statement and paper about their decades of struggle, the legitimacy of the Chinese constitution, and the power of the people.

而在这个特殊的案件中，还有谁比中国大陆的人权捍卫者带来更多启示？每一次最后陈词，每一份档案，都记录著他们数十年来的抗争，中国宪法的合法性和人民的力量。

None of us have won our cases. Many I read about are still serving harsh sentences in unknown places, unheard and forgotten. Most of them would never have the chance to know how much they inspired me – the only way I could honour them was to fight the best fight I could. And so I did.

我们之中没有一个人赢得了案件。我读到的许多人，至今仍在未知的地方服刑，无人知晓，也被遗忘。他们中的大多数永远无法知道自己给了我多大的启发——而我唯一能向他们致敬的方式，就是尽力打好这场仗。于是，我这么做了。

I was sent to solitary confinement for refuting the false testimony of a prosecution witness from the dock. Just before that I had read about Maria Kolesnikova. Her case was in closed court, but the lawyers risked their qualifications to reveal that on the day of the verdict, Kolesnikova made her final statement, a little less than 3 hours, about "moral choice, about love for people, about the future of Belarus.

因为在被告席上反驳控方证人的虚假证词，我被送进单独监禁。就在这之前，我读到了玛莉亚·科列斯尼科娃（Maria Kolesnikova）的故事。她的案件在秘密庭审中进行，但律师们冒著失去执业资格的风险披露了真相：在判决当天，科列斯尼科娃发表了一场近三小时的终陈词，关于“道德选择、对人们的爱以及白俄罗斯的未来”。

I tried to imagine making a speech only among people who were complicit in depriving you of your freedom, looking at their apathetic (if not mocking) faces. I can’t.And yet she did. She poured her heart out in a speech she knew no one would hear a word of.

我试图想像在这样的情况下发表演说：仅仅面对那些剥夺你自由的人，注视著他们冷漠（如果不是嘲讽）的面孔。我做不到。但她做到了。她倾尽心力，发表了一场她知道没有人会听见的演说。

She was violently muted, but the reverberation! It went all the way across the Eurasian continent, breaking through closed courts and reporting bans, fenced walls and censorship to reach me at the time I needed it most. I felt close to her, even though I may never meet her. I can feel her dearly.

她被粗暴地噤声，但这回响！它穿越了整个欧亚大陆，突破了秘密法庭和报导禁令，穿越高墙与审查，在我最需要的时候到达了我这里。我感觉她就在我身边，尽管可能我们永远不会相见。我真切地感受到她就在那里。

It’s that feeling again. Like looking through a cloudy gas mask into the determined eyes of a complete stranger, or walking alongside another in thick, irritating smog toward the light. I have come so far in search of it. The human connection that would only come through shared acts of courage, between individuals who dare to follow their true selves. For to dare is to lose one’s ground momentarily, yes, but not to dare, is to lose oneself.

这种感觉再次涌现了。就像是透过模糊的防毒面具，看见一双完全陌生但坚定的眼睛；或是在浓厚刺鼻的烟雾中与另一个人一同向光走去。我走了这么远，就是为了寻找它。那种每个人都活出真心，又共同地以勇气行动时，才可能建立的人与人之间的连结。是的，敢这样做，会暂时失去立足之地；但是，不敢如此，就会失去自我。

Today, no democracy is immune to the crisis of legitimacy that results from a deficit of public trust. Calls for the "orderly" and "efficient" rule of authoritarianism are growing inexorably. News of fruitless movements and the continued plight of persecuted freedom fighters in distant, hopeless places is certainly discouraging.

今天，没有哪个民主政体能免于因公众信任的缺失而带来的合法性危机。全世界对于“有序”和“高效”威权统治的呼声正不断增长。此时，这样一个来自远方绝望之地的消息，关于一场无果的运动，关于自由斗士们如何接连遭受迫害，无疑令人沮丧。

But you can certainly help a lot. Defend and repair your own democracy. Push back against the corruption of power, restore faith in democratic values through action. Give authoritarian dictators one less example of failed democracy to justify their rule, and give freedom fighters around the world one more inspiration to continue the struggle with better alternatives. Fight on the ground most familiar and dear to you. Prove to the world at every possible moment, no matter how small, that democracy is worth fighting for.

但你能做的还有很多。捍卫并修复你自身的民主体制。抵抗权力的腐败，通过行动重建对民主价值的信任。少给威权独裁者一个民主失败的例子，一个辩解其统治的借口。多给世界各地的自由斗士一个启发，让他们能为更好的未来继续奋斗。在你最熟悉、最珍视的土地上奋战。用每一次可能的机会证明，不论多微小，民主是值得为之奋斗的。

For while suffering may evoke concern and compassion, it also blurs and reduces the sufferer to a pitiful but characterless victim, part of a nameless number. What really defines our identity is not the suffering itself, but the way in which we face it. It is in action that one defines oneself, and only people who truly know who they are can open up, make new connections in the most unexpected circumstances, and bring about change. It is for the wonders of human diversity, creativity and possibility, for a world in which we can connect as our own true selves, that we dare to act, and we dare to suffer.

苦难可能唤起关怀与同情，但也会模糊甚至简化受难者的形象，让他们变成一个无名的数字中的可怜但无特色的受害者。真正定义我们身份的，不是苦难本身，而是我们面对苦难的方式。只有在行动中，人才能定义自我。只有真正认识自己的人，才能在最意想不到的情况下敞开心扉，建立新的连结，带来改变。正是为了人类多样性、创造力与可能性的奇迹，为了一个我们可以以真实自我相连的世界，我们敢于行动，也敢于承受苦难。

依几年一直有个矛盾︰好多人，包括曾经关系深嘅人，极少鼓励我。加油？加油做啲令自己坐更耐嘅事咩唔通？但当有人畀到力量我，令我见到人嘅存在最极致嘅美感，唯有喺挣扎之中方得展现，如果我带住份力量去做得越好，只会喺物理同时间上离佢哋越远。但若我因为怕别离而放弃，喺不再挣扎嘅一刻，我就感应唔返呢份超然于希望或绝望之上嘅生命力。

（CDT编者译）这几年一直有个矛盾：很多人，包括曾经关系很深的人，极少鼓励我。加油？加油去做一些让自己坐牢更久的事情吗？但当有人给我力量，让我看到人类存在最极致的美感，唯有在挣扎中才能展现。如果我带着这份力量去做得越好，只会在物理和时间上离他们越远。但如果我因为害怕别离而放弃，在不再挣扎的那一刻，我就感受不到这份超越希望或绝望的生命力。

一直陪我嘅人，我唔敢想像佢哋嘅心理负担，但佢哋没为咗自己良心舒服要我否定自己；亦没为逃避思考、判断或自己，连我都直接避埋。因为佢哋知道咁唔系死，而系创造，系自我完成。爱唔只系牵绊同责任，仲系成就同解放；唔系帮你逃避现实残酷，而系畀你面对残酷嘅勇气。

（CDT编者译）一直陪伴我的人，我不敢想象他们的心理负担，但他们没有为了让自己良心舒服而要我否定自己；也没有为了逃避思考、判断或自我，连我都直接避开。因为他们知道这不是死亡，而是创造，是自我完成。爱不仅是牵绊和责任，还是成就和解放；不是帮你逃避现实的残酷，而是给你面对残酷的勇气。

痛苦其实好难，甚至没可能分担，真正可以穿透墙内外嘅，系意志。苦难令「我哋」出现，但无法令「我哋」成长；以苦难嚟维繫嘅共同体，只能喺苦难中无限轮迴——定义身份嘅唔系苦难，而系我哋究竟点样面对佢。如果今日局面系香港无可迴避嘅命运，至少喺2019年，我哋选择咗面对，选择唔再留喺虚拟自由新手村，将问题再推畀下一代。

（CDT编者译）痛苦其实很难，甚至不可能分担，真正可以穿透墙内外的是意志。苦难让“我们”出现，但无法让“我们”成长；以苦难来维系的共同体，只能在苦难中无限轮回——定义身份的不是苦难，而是我们究竟怎样面对它。如果今天的局面是香港无法回避的命运，至少在2019年，我们选择了面对，选择不再停留在虚拟自由的新手村，把问题再推给下一代。

民主自由从来唔包岁月静好︰真正嘅民主系众声喧哗好L嘈（香港人应该最清楚），而自由就系好好选择要谂要拣要承担；如果只系义愤、支持人、帮人、为道德为责任，而唔去谂其实你自己本身想点，系好难感受到自由。

（CDT编者译）[[民主]自由从来不包含岁月静好：真正的民主是众声喧哗，非常吵闹（香港人应该最清楚），而自由就是认真选择、思考、抉择和承担；如果只是义愤、支持他人、帮助他人、为道德为责任，而不去想你自己本身想要什么，是很难感受到自由的。

自由就系感到「原来我可以」嘅时刻。

（CDT编者译）自由就是感到“原来我可以”的时刻。

系，会遇到好多限制同阻力，但正正系喺同现实碰撞先会知自己咩料，透过反覆嘅自我怀疑，先会淬炼出真正嘅执着。

（CDT编者译）是的，会遇到很多限制和阻力，但正是在与现实碰撞中才会知道自己是什么本事，透过反复的自我怀疑，才能淬炼出真正的执着。

歷史唔系由赢者书写，而系自由有意志嘅人书写。城市嘅躯壳唔会消失，旧灵魂已死，而新性命诞生就必然系痛；香港嘅好不在井然安定，而在过火癫狂，无孔不入嘅规训同压抑下竟然滋生出咁蓬勃嘅多元，要你规行矩步，同时又逼你不断越界；没人可以定义「香港系咩」，但人人都可以拓阔「香港可以系咩」。

（CDT编者译）历史不是由胜利者书写，而是由自由有意志的人书写。城市的躯壳不会消失，旧灵魂已死，而新生命诞生就必然是痛苦；香港的好不在于井然安定，而在于过火癫狂 ，在无孔不入的规训和压抑下竟然滋生出如此蓬勃的多元，要你规行矩步，同时又逼你不断越界；没有人可以定义“香港是什么”，但人人都可以拓宽“香港可以是什么”。

我嘅选择同行动就系我对「香港可以系咩」嘅回答，学到嘢嘅快乐，喺不可能下仍然同人sync到嘅幸福，系最大嘅收穫。如果可以继续成长，希望可以更加游刃有余。

（CDT编者译）我的选择和行动就是我对“香港可以是什么”的回答，学到东西的快乐，在不可能的情况下仍然与他人产生共鸣的幸福，是最大的收获。如果可以继续成长，希望可以更加游刃有余。

而家嘅我手空无一物，只剩钻研过嘅知识、见证过嘅勇气、投入过嘅热情，尤幸好奇依旧，志气清澈。由衷希望你都有勇气面对自己、继而打开自己，体验世界，感应他人，唔再停喺「思想自由」嘅幻觉之中。你要喺现世自由。香港可以系咩？期望见到更多不同答案。

（CDT编者译）现在的我双手空无一物，只剩下钻研过的知识、见证过的勇气、投入过的热情，尤幸好奇依旧，志气清澈。 由衷希望你也有勇气面对自己， 进而打开自己，体验世界，感应他人，不再停留在“思想自由”的幻觉之中。你要的是现世自由。香港可以是什么？期望看到更多不同的答案。

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